Article

ISSN 0006-2979, Biochemistry (Moscow), 2025, Vol. 90, Suppl. 2, pp. S444-S475 © Pleiades Publishing, Ltd., 2025.

S444

REVIEW

The Discovery of Magnetic Resonance

in the Context of 20th Century Science:

Biographies and Bibliography.

III: First Decades in the Soviet Union Following

the Discovery of Magnetic Resonances in Matter

Alexander V. Kessenikh

and Vasily V. Ptushenko

2,3,a

Vavilov Institute for the History of Science and Technology, Russian Academy of Sciences,

125315 Moscow, Russia

Belozersky Institute of Physico-Chemical Biology, Lomonosov Moscow State University,

119992 Moscow, Russia

Emanuel Institute of Biochemical Physics, Russian Academy of Sciences,

119334 Moscow, Russia

e-mail: ptush@belozersky.msu.ru

Received December 25, 2025

Revised December 25, 2025

Accepted December 30, 2025

Abstract— To some extent, fortune favored announcement of the ERP discovery: Zavoisky’s paper was pub-

lished fairly promptly in both Russian and in English in 1945 and thus fortunately slipped through the

tiny gap between the two epochs – just in time before the Iron Curtain descended across Europe. Thus,

scientists beyond the borders of the USSR became aware of the discovery and were in fact the first to cite

and acknowledge Zavoisky’s work. In 1944-early 1945, Zavoisky delivered his paper at a series of seminars

attended by a number of renowned physicists, chemists, chemical physicists, biophysicists, and geophysicists

from the USSR’s best scientific institutions. Nevertheless, for nearly a decade EPR had been of interest al-

most exclusively to physicists who belonged to Zavoisky’s school he established in Kazan. Beyond Kazan,

A.  I.  Shalnikov, P.  L.  Kapitsa, and Ya.  K.  Syrkin appeared to have been the only scientists in the Soviet Union

who immediately recognized promise of the EPR discovery. Moreover, there were the works of Syrkin’s

student L.  A.  Blumenfeld and his friend V.  V.  Voevodsky that paved the way for the EPR method to spread

beyond Kazan and physics, into chemistry and biology research all across the USSR. After late 1950s, the

number of publications on EPR in Soviet journals grew exponentially. Research groups studying magnetic

resonance phenomena were established in many other scientific institutions. In the present paper, those

groups and their studies, as well as scientific instrumentation for EPR and NMR spectroscopy in the USSR

are briefly discussed.

DOI: 10.1134/S0006297925604502

Keywords: Ya. K. Syrkin, L. A. Blumenfeld, V. V. Voevodsky, chemical and biological radiofrequency spectroscopy,

acoustic resonance, spin relaxation, nuclear polarization, spin chemistry, scientific instrumentation

# Deceased.

* To whom correspondence should be addressed.

DISCOVERY AND ITS ANNOUNCEMENT

Irrespective of the magnitude, from the sci-

ence point of view a discovery is “born” on the day

when the findings are published. Fortune favored

announcement of the ERP discovery: the paper was

published fairly promptly in both Russian language

[1] and in English [2], which at that time started to

gain its status of international language of science.

Zavoisky’s findings fortunately slipped through the

tiny gap between the two epochs – “Iron curtain”

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S445

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

was about to descend across Europe. In just two

years, the Journal of Physics, USSR, a Soviet English-

language peer-reviewed journal, where Zavoisky pub-

lished his first paper (followed later by a number of

his other works), would be shut down and Soviet

scientists would eventually be completely cut off

any opportunity to share their discoveries with their

peers on the other side of the Iron Curtain.

In terms of informing the international scientific

community of the EPR discovery, Zavoisky’s publica-

tion in the Journal of Physics, USSR, was definitely

instrumental. Earlier in this book, the role this pa-

per might have (or might have not) played in the

Purcell’s and in F.  Bloch’s discovery of the nuclear

magnetic resonance was already discussed. Although

it came out too late to have a strong direct influ-

ence on the work of any of the two, it had become

available for the Western scientists by the time both

Purcell and Bloch were already conducting their ex-

periments. Ironically, the very issue of the Physical

Review journal (issue  69, 1946) in which F.  Bloch

published his NMR research findings contained a

reference to the article from the very issue of the

Journal of Physics, USSR, in which E.  K.  Zavoisky pub-

lished his EPR research findings. As if this was not

a big enough coincidence, they were placed on the

same page! This circumstance, spotted by N.  E.  Za-

voiskaya [3], speaks to the fact that the Soviet En-

glish-language journal, meaning all the papers pub-

lished in it, was available to and scanned by scholars

in the West.

The press was not the only channel to make the

EPR discovery known to the scientific community. By

June  1944, Zavoisky finalized his doctoral dissertation

presenting his findings and submitted it to the Phys-

ical Institute of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Mos-

cow (now the Lebedev Physical Institute or LPI) [4].

On December  30, 1944, he delivered his paper at a

seminar at the Institute for Physical Problems (IPP)

now bearing the name of P.  L.  Kapitsa, the famous

“kapitsnik”

as called among Soviet physicists. Quite

a number of renowned Soviet physicists, chemists,

chemical physicists, biophysicists, and geophysicists

from the USSR’s best scientific institutions attend-

ed that seminar. Among the participants there were

academician A.  F.  Ioffe, “farther of the Soviet phys-

ics” and director of the Physical-Technical Institute

(now the Ioffe Institute); academician N.  N.  Semenov,

director of the Institute of Chemical Physics of the

USSR Academy of Sciences

, and a number of his

fellow scientists, including Ya.  B.  Zeldovich, I.  L.  Zel-

manov, and Yu.  N.  Ryabinin; G.  S.  Gorelik, a promi-

nent radio physicist, who at the time worked with

A.  A.  Andronov at the Gorky State University

, the

cradle of oscillation theory; G.  N.  Flerov, one of the

founders of the Soviet nuclear program (Laborato-

ry No.  2); E.  V.  Shpolsky (Moscow State Pedagogical

Institute

), co-founder and lifelong editor of the So-

viet Physics Uspekhi journal; K.  V.  Vladimirskii from

the Physical Institute, who, a year later, would au-

thor the first ever publication on NMR in the Soviet

Union; S.  E.  Bresler, a physicist, a chemical physicist,

and a biophysicist; many of the renowned scientists

from the IPP, including L.  D.  Landau, E.  M.  Lifshitz,

A.  B.  Migdal, Y.  A.  Smorodinsky, E.  L.  Andronikashvili,

and, of cause, A.  I.  Shalnikov, who helped Zavoisky to

reproduce his experiment in Moscow, and academi-

cian P.  L.  Kapitsa, the host of the event. The seminar

was also attended by the scientists from the Institute

of Geological Sciences

, Laboratory for Geochemical

Problems

, Moscow State University’s Research Insti-

tute of Physics, and from other schools [5]. That is to

say, Zavoisky shared his findings with a multidisci-

plinary audience representing the country’s major sci-

entific institutions. A month later, on January  30, 1945,

Evgeny Konstantinovich defended his dissertation at

the Physical Institute of the USSR Academy of Scienc-

es with the crème de la crème of the Soviet physics

sitting in the Dissertation Committee. Among his doc-

toral thesis opponents there were S.  I.  Vavilov (Pres-

ident of the Committee), G.  S.  Landsberg, S.  M.  Rytov,

V.  I.  Veksler, V.  L.  Levshin, E.  I.  Kondorsky, and, again,

A.  I.  Shalnikov [6]. The list of attendees is obviously

far from complete, for both events. In other words,

quite a representative part of the Soviet scientif-

ic community, hardly confined to physicists only,

was given a firsthand account of the EPR exper-

iment.

For some unknown reason, the discovery made

by E.  K.  Zavoisky escaped attention of the Soviet

science. Analysis of the Soviet scientific literature

shows that it had little to no presence on the pag-

es of the peer-reviewed journals of that time. Ap-

parently, neither was his or his collaborators’ work

A wordplay about the surname Kapitsa.

Now N. N. Semenov Federal Research Center for Chemical Physics, Russian Academy of Sciences.

Now Lobachevsky State University of Nizhny Novgorod.

Now Moscow State Pedagogical University.

Now Geological Institute of Russian Academy of Sciences.

Now Vernadsky Institute of Geochemistry and Analytical Chemistry of Russian Academy of Sciences.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS446

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

on EPR, a topic commonly discussed at the scientific

gatherings held in the Soviet Union in that period.

The biggest and most relevant (in the context of EPR)

conferences took place in December 1946– two years

after Zavoisky had first announced his findings at the

IPP seminar and a year and a half after his ground-

breaking paper had been published. They were: the

Meeting on Electric Oscillations and Electric Waves

in Gorky

(9-12 December, 1946), organized by the

All-Union Scientific Council for Radiophysics and Ra-

dio Technology (the USSR Academy of Sciences) and

by the Gorky State University [7]; the 5th All-Union

Conference on Spectroscopy held in Leningrad

(10-16 December, 1946) organized by the Commission

for Spectroscopy (Academy of Sciences, USSR) [8];

the First All-Union Conference on Physics of Magnet-

ic Phenomena in Sverdlovsk

(11-16 December, 1946)

organized by the USSR Academy of Sciences (Depart-

ment of Physical and Mathematical Sciences) and its

Ural Branch [9]. The latter was the most relevant in

the context of magnetic resonance, its program cov-

ering topics like “Nuclear Magnetic Moments in Solids

and in Liquids” and “Nuclear Magnetism”. According

to the report published by the Bulletin of the USSR

Academy of Sciences, “apart from Sverdlovsk physi-

cists, the Conference was attended by magnetologists

from Moscow, Leningrad, Kharkov, Kazan, Gorky,

Chelyabinsk, Molotov

, and Krasnoyarsk. A total of

9 plenary sessions were held with over 40 papers

delivered” (Vonsovsky, 1947). The list of speakers in-

cluded prominent Soviet physicists like V.  K.  Arkad-

yev, Ya.  I.  Frenkel, Ya.  G.  Dorfman, E.  I.  Kondorsky,

L.  V.  Kirensky, and S.  V.  Vonsovsky. According to

N.  E.  Zavoiskaya, B.  M.  Kozyrev, Zavoisky’s collabo-

rator, was among the attendees as well [3]. Evgeny

Konstantinovich was also invited [4], although he was

not among the speakers.

De facto the only paper to some extent pertaining

to magnetic resonance was delivered by Ya.  G.  Dorf-

man (“Nuclear magnetic moments in the condensed

phase”) [10]. He was the only speaker at the Confer-

ence who referred to Zavoisky’s experiment (he at

least did mention his work!). This reference, though,

was in the context of magnetic resonance methods

being “equivalent to magnetomechanical methods”

and “hardly useful for determining nuclear magnet-

ic moments in the condensed systems”. Judging from

the Conference materials that were published  [9],

no other speaker mentioned the discovery of EPR.

N.  E.  Zavoiskaya wrote about this in her book: “Cu-

riously, none of the speakers at the Conference said

a word on the promise of Zavoisky’s pioneering re-

search. Neither Ya.  I.  Frenkel, nor V.  K.  Arkadyev, nor

Ya.  G.  Dorfman considered his discovery to be out-

standing, that is to say promising, the first two know-

ing Zavoisky personally and being acquainted with

his work firsthand” [3]. Time brought about a little

change. A year later, on September28, 1947, A.  F.  Ioffe,

farther of the Soviet physics, delivered a commemo-

rative speech “Thirty Years of the Soviet physics” (to

celebrate the 30th anniversary of the October Rev-

olution of 1917). Quite a number of lines of inves-

tigation and fields of study that had emerged since

1917 received an honorable mention from him. EPR,

though, was not among the advancements he consid-

ered worth noting [11]. In the same 1947, I.  K.  Kikoin,

when reviewing Zavoisky’s paper nominated for the

Stalin Prize

, all but doubted the existence of EPR as

a phenomenon: “If this hypothesis proves valid, phys-

icists would obtain a simple and powerful method for

determining nuclear magnetic moments…” [3].

Given a plethora of magnetic resonance studies

and research burgeoning in the West, both in Europe

and in the United States (a fact the Soviet physics

could not have been totally ignorant about), such

an attitude seems strikingly peculiar. Noteworthily,

in1947 (in January, 1948, at the latest), C.  Gorter and

G.  Wentzel nominated F.  Bloch for the Noble Prize in

Physics. Magnetic resonance research was growing

dramatically. Within several years that passed since

F.  Bloch and E.  M.  Purcell had each published his find-

ings, hundreds of papers pertaining to magnetic reso-

nance (EPR, NMR, nuclear quadrupole resonance and

ferromagnetic resonance included) were published.

New resonance-related phenomena and instrumenta-

tion was frequently the talk of major international

scientific gatherings. In 1948-1949, a rare meeting of

the American Physical Society (APS) failed to discuss

related problems. In 1949, for example, as many as

25 papers on the new phenomenon were delivered

(for a selected list of papers see Online Resource  1).

In 1948, APS held a Symposium on Microwave and

Radio-Frequency Spectroscopy with another gath-

ering, a Radio-Frequency Spectroscopy Conference,

taking place at Oxford University in the same year,

and yet another one held in 1950 in Amsterdam.

Now Nizhny Novgorod.

Now St. Petersburg.

Now Ekaterinburg.

Now Perm.

The highest honor in the Soviet Union bestowed in recognition of a single piece of work in science or culture.

The Prize was established in 1939 and existed till 1955. Later it was given the same status as the newly established

(in 1966) State Prize of the USSR.

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S447

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig. 1. Ya.  K.  Syrkin (left), his former student and long-time co-author M.  E.  Dyatkina (right) and their colleagues in the

Kurnakov Institute of General and Inorganic Chemistry, 1960s. Source: personal archive of S.  P.  Dolin.

Each attracted researchers from all over the world:

the Unites States, the United Kingdom, the Nether-

lands, Japan, France, Sweden, Switzerland, and Ger-

many [3]. At the Oxford Conference in 1948, C.  Gorter

acknowledged E.  K.  Zavoisky’s priority of discovery.

Paradoxically, Western scientists paid much more

attention to Zavoisky’s findings and had been refer-

ring to his works before his fellow Soviet physicists

did. Cummerow and Halliday [12] were the first to

refer to Zavoisky and his discovery [2] in their paper.

C.  Gorter was next with his book [13]. Meanwhile in

the USSR, apart from Ya.  G.  Dorfman who referred to

Zavoisky’s findings at the Conference in Sverdlovsk

(as mentioned earlier), his work was for the first

time cited by V.  L.  Ginzburg in the Physics Uspekhi

(Advances in Physical Sciences) [14] along with the

papers by Purcell [15] and Bloch [16].

Basically, for nearly a decade EPR had been of

interest to physicists in Kazan almost exclusively. In

those years, any EPR-related developments in the

USSR were almost exclusively due to the efforts of

S.  A.  Altshuler (1911-1983) and B.  M.  Kozyrev (1905-

1979), Zavoisky’s friends and colleagues. Within ten

years after 1947 (the year when E.  K.  Zavoisky left

Kazan for Arzamas-16), the two of them published

over 70 research papers on various aspects of mag-

netic resonance (it was the overwhelming majority of

all the research published on the subject in the USSR

in that period). Those works are discussed in detail by

L.  K.  Aminov [17], Yu.  V.  Yablokov [18], N.  S.  Altshuler

and A.  L.  Larionov [19], and in the book “Paramag-

netic Resonance” [20].

Other research groups in this new area of scien-

tific inquiry emerged in the USSR later. Of them, the

first to be noted is the group led by A.  M.  Prokhorov,

the future Nobel Prize laureate. His group embarked

on its EPR-related investigations at the Physical In-

stitute in 1953, the first publications dated 1955

[21, 22]. A.  M.  Prokhorov obviously pursued his own

original ideas, yet his works on EPR were close-

ly related to the research performed by the Kazan

group of physicists – his EPR experimental work

started only after A.  A.  Manenkov, a post-graduate

student of B.  M.  Kozyrev, had come to work at the

Physical Institute. From then on, Manenkov played

a crucial part in the Prokhorov’s EPR experimenta-

tion. It must be acknowledged though, that the first

experiments performed by Manenkov and Prokhor-

ov were strongly influenced by the works published

by Bleaney and his group, the first to focus on

monocrystalline oxides and transition-element-doped

diamagnetic salts.

P.  L.  Kapitsa and A.  I.  Shalnikov appear to have

been the only physicists in the Soviet Union who

immediately recognized promise of the discovery

made by E.  K.  Zavoisky and his colleagues. They

both generously provided him with support, finan-

cial and administrative. For instance, he was offered

to reproduce his experiment at the IPP; its techni-

cal capabilities being much stronger than those of

the Kazan University. It was the Institute for Physi-

cal Problems that nominated Zavoisky for the Stalin

Prize. What is more, Kapitsa included EPR research

in the IPP’s scope of work for the year 1946 [23].

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS448

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig. 2. Left to right: V.  V.  Voevodsky, L.  A.  Blumenfeld. Akademgorodok (science city), Novosibirsk, 1961. Source: M.  V.  Vo-

evodskaya’s personal archive.

Today, one can only speculate what could have been

the course of EPR research in the Soviet Union, had

Kapitsa not fallen from the grace in 1946, removed

from all of his positions and basically from science.

Thus, frustratingly, this line of EPR spectroscopy de-

velopment in the USSR was interrupted.

Apart from P.  L.  Kapitsa and A.  I.  Shalnikov, in

the Soviet scientific community only Ya.  K.  Syrkin, a

chemical physicist, was known to have a strong in-

terest in the EPR phenomena. Yakov Kivovich Syrkin

(1894-1974) (Fig.  1), an expert in theoretical chemis-

try well versed in quantum methods, chemical bonds

and molecular interactions, endeavored, in 1948, to

launch his own EPR-spectroscopy related research

[24] at Karpov Institute of Physical Chemistry, where

he was in charge of the Laboratory of Electric Prop-

erties of Molecules.

Since 1920, the focus of his attention had been

the development of physical methods for chemical

research (for example, [25]), including X-ray struc-

tural analysis, infrared vibrational spectroscopy, opti-

cal and electron methods (Kerr effect, depolarization,

anisotropic polarizability). He appears to have been

among the first in the USSR to use Raman scattering

in his chemical experimentation (for example, [26]).

In 1930s, he organized experimental studies of the

structure of chemical compounds with the use of the

dipole moments method (for example, [27]), the first

of its kind in the USSR. Finally, in mid-1940s his fo-

cus was on studying the chemistry of radicals, along

with editing the Russian translation of “The Chemis-

try of Free Radicals” by W.  A.  Waters [28]. Evidently,

it was due to his unique scientific background that

he could see right away potential of the EPR method

for chemical research. Syrkin entrusted the study of

the new method to L.  A.  Blumenfeld, his post-gradu-

ate student [24]. Yet, once again, ideological battles

inscience (the struggle against “the idealism in chem-

istry

”) and politics (“The Doctor’s Plot

”) put the

efforts of the two chemists on hold for several years.

Blumenfeld, however, managed to resume his sci-

entific investigations, when he got a job at the Cen-

tral Institute for Advanced Medical Education, Mos-

cow. There, his studies of oxygenation of hemoglobin

prompted him to revisit the idea of using EPR meth-

ods for his research. Change of magnetic properties

of proteins with oxygenation paved the way for EPR

spectroscopy to be Blumenfeld’s method of choice, af-

ter he had exhausted other methods (primarily, that

of magnetic balance). In the same period but in a

A campaign rejecting Pauling’s theory of resonance as antimaterialistic and anti-Marxist. The campaign was

prompted by the publication, in 1947, of the Russian translation of Pauling’s Nature of the Chemical Bond which

was done by Ya.  K. Syrkin and M.  E.  Diatkina. Both eventually had to leave the Karpov Institute of Physical Chem-

istry and lost almost all of their scientific posts. Only after 1957 Syrkin and Diatkina were able to resume their

structural chemistry related research.

An alleged conspiracy of prominent Soviet medical specialists to murder leading government and party of-

ficials (1953).

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S449

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

different branch of chemistry (namely, free-radical

chemistry), another young chemist and Blumenfeld’s

friend, V.  V.  Voevodsky (Fig.  2), found himself in a

similar situation. Apparently, close scientific coop-

eration between the two young and enthusiastic re-

searchers and friends led to the “EPR virus” quickly

penetrating chemical kinetics and to the ERP spec-

troscopy finding its way into chemistry and biology

research. Ultimately, two new scientific schools or,

broadly speaking, two new fields of the Soviet science

were born: radio-frequency spectroscopy in chemistry

and radio-frequency spectroscopy in biology.

The first publications by L.  A.  Blumenfeld and

his collaborators [29, 30] pertained to the hypothesis

of A.  Szent-Györgyi (1941) for semiconductive prop-

erties of proteins, severely criticized by Soviet scien-

tists at the time (for example, [31]). In those early

papers, bio-tissues, proteins and isolated biochemical

substances exposed to ionizing radiation were stud-

ied. V.  V.  Voevodsky and his group, at the Institute of

Chemical Physics, started with investigating free rad-

icals produced by ionizing radiation as well [32,  33],

along with organometallic compounds [34], and gas-

phase chain chemical reactions [35].

From 1957 on, the number of papers on EPR spec-

troscopy and its numerous applications was growing

exponentially. In 1958-1960, V.  V.  Voevodsky and his

colleagues at the Institute for Chemical Physics alone

published over 30 research papers on EPR spectros-

copy’s potential for chemistry research. In the same

period, EPR methods began to increasingly “spread

out” across other scientific institutions and groups.

NUCLEAR MAGNETIC RESONANCE

NMR investigations, on the other hand, had an

earlier start in the USSR. K.  V.  Vladimirskii [36] led

the way in experimental research at the Physical In-

stitute in Moscow, and G.  R.  Khutsishvili  [37] of the

Institute of Physics in Tbilisi

pioneered in theoret-

ical studies of the phenomenon in the Soviet Union.

Noteworthily, G.  R.  Khutsishvili was an intern of

L.  D.  Landau, while K.  V.  Vladimirskii was Landau’s

doctoral student. L.  D.  Landau himself worked with

P.  L.  Kapitsa at the IPP and was among the first sci-

entists in the USSR to know about the discovery of

EPR. Late in the 1940s, at the Moscow State Univer-

sity, groups led by S.  D.  Gvozdover [38] and E.  I.  Kon-

dorsky  [39] launched their experimental research

programs on NMR as well. For the Soviet nuclear

program, NMR in matter was first observed in 1951

by G.  A.  Goncharov at the Thermal Technological Lab-

oratory of the USSR Academy of Sciences

. Later on,

though, similar research, including studies on NRM

in molecular beams, “moved” to Sukhumi Physi-

cal Technical Institute

. There, in Sukhumi, in July

1952, the first ever meeting on radio spectroscopy

in the Soviet Union took place. Papers on NMR were

delivered by speakers from the Physical Institute

(K.  V.  Vladimirskii) and from the Sukhumi Physical

Technical Institute (N.  I.  Leontyev) [40]. In Sukhumi,

some of the experiments on NMR were conducted by

W.  Hartmann, a German physicist. In that period, the

capabilities of instrumentation available to the Sovi-

et NMR researchers provided for quite modest out-

comes, a circumstance discussed in more detail later

in this Chapter.

Further development of NMR methods in the

USSR was delayed for decades, although rare efforts

to advance in this area that took place against all

odds, to some extent, set the stage for their future

evolution. S.  D.  Gvozdover and his laboratory at

the MSU

Department of Physics (N.  M.  Ievskaya,

N.  M.  Pomerantsev, and later – Yu.  S.  Kostantinov),

for example, persisted with their NMR experimen-

tation, although all they had at their disposal was

basically homemade apparatus. In 1951-1959, every

year one or two students graduated from the Mos-

cow State University with a specialization in NMR.

Up till 1957, NMR experiments could have only been

conducted with the use of rather primitive instru-

ments, like electromagnets capable of producing rath-

er inhomogeneous fields or like marginal oscillators

similar to those built by Pound and Hopkins. In those

years, NMR experiments were undertaken predomi-

nantly for demonstration purposes: to validate the-

oretically predicted resonance line shapes, to deter-

mine relaxation times by the logarithmic decrement,

to measure or stabilize magnetic field. In 1953-1961,

E.  I.  Kondorsky, at his laboratory at the MSU Depart-

ment of Physics, endeavored to study conduction-elec-

tron magnetization density with the use of the nu-

clear Overhauser effect, but to no avail, as some of

the physical laws involved were yet to be discovered

(namely, the mechanisms of nuclear and electron spin

relaxation in metals heavier than

Li, metal in which

the Overhauser effect was first observed). Needless to

say, those experiments at their core were reminiscent

of the works published abroad, mainly in the US.

Now the Andronikashvili Institute of Physics, Georgia.

Now the A.  I.  Alikhanov Institute of Theoretical and Experimental Physics.

Now the Ilia Vekua Sukhumi Institute of Physics and Technology, Georgia.

Lomonosov Moscow State University.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS450

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig. 3. NMR spectrometer built by L. L.  Dekabrun’s laboratory. Source: personal archive of E.  O. Vetrova.

Stronger effort to advance high resolution NMR

methods was undertaken by the Soviet scientists in

late 1950s-early1960s and was still drawing on the

international experience. At the MSU Department

of Physics, this effort was led by Y.  S.  Konstantinov

and N.  M.  Ievskaya. At the Physical Institute, a rel-

atively high-resolution spectrometer was developed

by K.  V.  Vladimirskii. Later, spectrometers using a

permanent magnet were designed in Moscow by

L.  L.  Dekabrun, V.  F.  Bystrov, and A.  U.  Stepanyants

of the Institute of Chemical Physics (Fig.  3), and in

Kazan by Y.  Y.  Samitov, A.  V.  Aganov et al. of the Ka-

zan State University. The latter two instruments were

ready for mass production but in the end only a cou-

ple of experimental models were assembled by the

Research & Development group (OKB in Russian) in

1963. All the designs referred to above provided for

resolution of the order of magnitude of 10

−7

while to

observe the proton magnetic resonance (PMR) a reso-

lution of 10

−8

to 10

−9

was required. In terms of reso-

lution and sensitivity, the early designs met the needs

of high-resolution

F and

P NMR research and were

put to use accordingly by Konstantinov (the Moscow

State University) assisted by the INEOS

chemists,

and by Y.  Y.  Samitov (the Kazan State University)

and B.  A.  Arbuzov (the Kazan Institute of Organic

Chemistry

), respectively. To some extent, those ear-

ly spectrometers were suitable for PMR studies of

organic acids and aldehydes, as well as of aromatic

compounds with aliphatic substituents (the difference

between proton chemical shifts exceeding 10

−6

), and

were indeed used in their research by V.  F.  Bystrov

and his colleagues from L.  L.  Dekabrun’s laboratory

at the Institute of Chemical Physics. In Leningrad

F.  I.  Skripov and his laboratory entered the field with

broad-line NMR studies (resolution of 10

−5

). In the

same period, Skripov’s laboratory, as well as their

colleagues in Sverdlovsk

, embarked on the develop-

ing the Earths’s field NMR technique. In Krasnoyarsk,

the A.  G.  Lundin’s research laboratory was making its

way into NMR spectroscopy with low-resolution NMR

studies as well. Meanwhile, according to A.  V.  Aganov,

the first task for the Samitov’s graduate students spe-

cializing in NMR was to demonstrate the Pake dou-

blet, or splitting of the resonance line shape in crys-

talline hydrates – a task requiring resolution of 10

−5

That is to say, international advances in the field set

the benchmark for the Soviet researchers irrespective

of the capabilities of the instrumentation available!

After the broad-line NMR, both in Kazan and in

Leningrad, studies continued into the high-resolution

F NMR spectra (the first dissertation on the subject

defended by P.  M.  Borodin at the Leningrad State Uni-

versity

, in 1955).

The Institute of Organoelement Compounds of the USSR Academy of Sciences.

Now the Arbuzov Institute of Organic and Physical Chemistry of the Russian Academy of Science.

Now St. Petersburg.

Now Ekaterinburg.

Now St. Petersburg State University.

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S451

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

It was only in the late of 1950s that three re-

search groups were established in the USSR equipped

to develop modern (as of that time) high-resolution

NMR spectroscopy instrumentation for chemical in-

vestigations.

FERROMAGNETIC RESONANCE (FMR),

ACOUSTIC PARAMAGNETIC RESONANCE (APR),

AND ACOUSTIC NUCLEAR MAGNTIC

RESONANCE (ACOUSTIC NMR)

In the USSR, ferromagnetic resonance stud-

ies were mainly the domain of S.  V.  Vonsovsky [41]

at the Ural State University in Sverdlovsk. Early in

1950s, in the Soviet Union, the ferrites were in wide

use and thus were extensively studied and researched,

including with the use of resonance methods. At the

Ural University, such investigations were carried out

by S. V.  Vonsovsky, and at the Moscow University –

by E. I. Kondorsky. In 1952, an excellent volume of

collected works on ferromagnetic, ferrimagnetic and

antiferromangetic resonances translated into Russian

was published, under the editorship of Vonsovsky. The

volume is cited in ChapterIV. Acoustic resonances the-

oretically predicted by S. A. Altshuler in 1952 were

experimentally studied in the early 1960s in Kazan,

in Kharkov (APR), and in Leningrad (acoustic NMR).

Some of the research is cited later, in the “geograph-

ical” review.

Following Kastler’s metaphor [42] comparing EPR

and the Volga River beginning from a small spring

to become a mighty river, one must admit that, in

the USSR, ERP and magnetic resonance research in

general continued to be a small spring in those years.

As was said earlier, the amount of research papers on

the applications of EPR (and later NMR) spectroscopy

began to grow exponentially in the late 1950s prompt-

ing emergence of a number of new research groups,

institutes, and centers. Below is an overview of ma-

jor scientific schools and lines of research pertaining

to EPR and NMR spectroscopy, however incomplete

it might be. The time period discussed below for the

most part ends in 1969 – the 25th anniversary of the

EPR discovery. Let us start with Kazan– the birth city

of electron paramagnetic resonance, central for EPR

spectroscopy advancement in the Soviet Union.

MAJOR CENTERS FOR MAGNETIC RESONANCE

SPECTROSCOPY DEVELOPMENT IN THE USSR

Kazan: major lines of MR spectroscopy re-

search in 1950s-1960s. In Kazan, the first studies

of magnetic resonance phenomena were launched

by the Zavoisky’s EPR immediate collaborators

in two scientific institutions; S.  A.  Altshuler and

B.  M.  Kozyrev had close ties with, namely, the Kazan

State University and the Physical-Technical Institute

of the Kazan Branch of the USSR Academy of Sci-

ences. With time, their scientific schools developed

to intertwine with other Soviet research schools

and to entrain other Kazan-based institutions, such

as the Kazan Aviation Institute (KAI

), the Kazan

Branch of the Moscow Aviation Institute, the Kazan

Branch of the Moscow Power Engineering Institute,

the Institute of Organic and Physical Chemistry of

the Kazan Branch of the USSR Academy of Scienc-

es, Alexander Butlerov Institute of Chemistry, etc.

The scope of research was growing too as new dis-

coveries opened up new avenues for scientific inves-

tigation.

In 1952, S.  A.  Altshuler predicted resonant ab-

sorption of sound in paramagnetic media – the acous-

tic paramagnetic resonance (APR) [43]. From then on,

for many years, this phenomenon had been studied in

Kazan, both theoretically [44, 45] and experimentally

[46, 47]. Likewise, role of spin–phonon interactions

with regards to other phenomena (e.g., in antiferro-

magnets) was demonstrated by the S.  A.  Altshuler’s

students [48].

Findings by B.  I.  Kochelaev and L.  K.  Aminov,

of the Altshuler’s school, contributed to the “classic”

field as well – namely, to the theory of magnetic re-

laxation with regards to spin–lattice and spin–spin

interactions [49-51]. The new mechanism of paramag-

netic relaxation proposed by L.  K.  Aminov following

his studies of the two-step relaxation processes is

now known as the Orbach–Aminov processes.

EPR studies of the transition-metal complex ions

in isotropic solvents [52] set the stage for investiga-

tions of the said complex compounds in anisotropic

liquid crystalline solvents [53]. As a result, a whole

new field of research was born – magnetic liquid

crystals formed by coordination compounds [54-56].

Exchange interactions in the spin clusters were also

researched [57-59].

Of particular note are the investigations of EPR

in metals and in superconductors. To study metals,

magnetic resonance techniques were first used in

the 1950s-1960s by the founders of the Kazan EPR

school and their immediate students. One of the

first works on the subject [60] reported observation

of EPR in alkali metals (Li and Na) and dependence

of the resonance line shape on the size of metal-

lic particles. Akin to other ERP researchers of his

time, N.  S.  Garifyanov used a homemade spectrom-

eter in his experiments. The line shape asymmetry

Now the Kazan National Research Technical University named after A. N.  Tupolev – KAI.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS452

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

he observed was in qualitative agreement with the

Dyson’s theoretical description [61]. Later, after the

Laboratory of Metal Physics (E.  G.  Kharakhashyan,

laboratory chief) was set up at the Physical-Technical

Institute in 1974, the problem of the EPR line shape

for conduction electrons was thoroughly studied by

I.  G.  Zamaleev in thin films [62], and by Y.  I.  Talanov

in spherical particles [63].

Apart from the line shape, no less important is

the problem of spin relaxation of conduction elec-

trons, its mechanisms and relaxation channels, was

investigated at the Laboratory. In particular, the scope

of studies covered the impurity-dependent relaxation

(due to spin–orbit interaction) [64], relaxation at a

metal surface [65], and relaxation in metallic lithium

(due to the spin-current mechanism) [66]. It should

be noted that the latter research employed the tech-

nique of EPR relaxometry and reported a record nar-

row EPR line observed in the samples of LiF single

crystals – 0.04G  (!) – at room temperature, with the

use of the conduction–electron spin–echo method

[67]. Apart stood the studies of electron spin–lattice

relaxation in the metallic nanoparticles in which, by

means of the electron–spin–echo method, freezing of

spin–lattice relaxation of conduction electrons (due

to the energy levels indicative of the quantum size

effect) was directly observed (in alkali metal parti-

cles: silver and magnesium) [68,69]. In the West, this

experiment was reproduced only over a decade lat-

er [70].

To observe EPR in superconductors, the problem

of magnetism and superconductivity being incompati-

ble must have been solved. Magnetic field needed for

the EPR to be observed destroys superconductivity in

the type-I superconductors and makes the type-II su-

perconductors transit to the mixed (vortex) state (if

 < H < H

). That is to say, superconducting ma-

terials with λ magnetic field penetration depth and

a critical field H

stronger than the resonance field

must have been found. Once they were determined

(La

3-x

GdxIn and La

1-x

), S.  A.  Altshuler and his col-

leagues at the Physical-Technical Institute in Kazan

were the first in the world to observe EPR in super-

conductors [71, 72]. A year later, in the US, a similar

paper by R.  Orbach [73], who was studying the same

phenomenon, was published. (With regard to priority

of the discovery, it must be said that in the US it took

less time for the findings to be published in compar-

ison with the USSR.)

After high-temperature superconductivity was

discovered in 1987, EPR studies of the electronic

phase separation [74] and the resulting local magnet-

ic field distribution [75] were conducted, along with

the studies of the properties of the high-temperature

superconductivity energy spectrum; of vortex lattice;

of spin waves in superconductors [76]; etc. To per-

form some of the experiments, the EPR slide screw

tuner (~0.1  mm in size) scheme had to be devel-

oped [77].

After, in 1947, B.  M.  Kozyrev and S.  G.  Salikhov

published their paper on paramagnetic relaxation in

pentaphenylcyclopentadiene [78], the first work on

EPR spectroscopy in chemistry in the USSR, it was not

until the late 1950s that this line of research began

to develop. In 1960s, starting with [79], EPR spectros-

copy for chemical research was mostly the domain of

N.  S.  Garifyanov, Y.  V.  Yablokov, and some of their col-

leagues [80, 81]. In particular, intra- and intermolec-

ular interactions and corresponding relaxation times

were investigated in cooperation with A.  E.  Arbuzov

and F. G.  Valitova, the latter assisting with the chem-

ical side of the experiments. In 1958, A.  V.  Ilyasov, a

chemical physicist, developed an interest in this new,

unexplored avenue of research as well; G.  S.  Vozd-

vizhensky, N.  V.  Gudin and M.  S.  Shapnik, all of the

three electrochemists, joined him shortly. It was due

to their efforts that EPR studies of electrode processes

were launched [82,83]. In the late 1960s, A.  V.  Ilyasov,

Y.  M.  Kargin, and Y.  A.  Levin embarked on the devel-

opment of the method of electrochemical generation

of free radicals [84] (Fig. 4).

Since 1950s, NMR spectroscopy had also been

used in experiments in chemistry (by Y.  Y.  Samitov,

at first at the Kazan State University, and later – at

the Institute of Organic and Physical Chemistry of the

Kazan Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences).

In conclusion, it must be said that in Kazan, in

addition to the wide range of original research being

carried out, the All-Union Conference on Magnetic

Resonance took place on a regular basis (every two

years starting with 1955), its themes and speakers’

geographical origins becoming ever more diverse

with time (Fig. 5).

Moscow: some of the EPR and NMR spectrosco-

py developments in the 1950s-1970s. Beyond Kazan,

among the first who relied on EPR spectroscopy

was A.  M.  Prokhorov’s group in Moscow. After its

first research was published in 1955 [21], the group

proceeded to a broad-scale investigation (or “scan-

ning”, in modern language) of paramagnetic crystals

[85-87] in search of the materials for quantum elec-

tronics [88]. The Physical Institute of the Academy of

Sciences continued to be the “headquarters” of EPR

studies in Moscow. In 1954 it was joined by the Re-

search Institute of Nuclear Physics

, Moscow State

University, after A.  M.  Prokhorov had been appoint-

ed the head of the Laboratory of Radio Spectrosco-

py there. The newly established Institute of Radio

Now Skobeltsyn Institute of Nuclear Physics (SINP MSU).

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S453

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig.  4. V.  N.  Linev (left), I. V.  Ovchinnikov (center), J.  Hyde, (3rd right), A.  V.  Ilyasov (2nd right), Y.  V.  Yablokov (right) at

the XXIV Congress Ampere on Magnetic Resonance and Related Phenomena, Poznan, 1988. Source: personal archive of

V.  N. Linev.

Fig.  5. Left to right: ?, H. C.  Pfeiffer, H.  Benoît, ?, C.  Franconi, A. Lösche, E.  K.  Zavoisky, B.  M. Kozyrev, N.  S. Garifyanov at

the Conference on Magnetic Resonance in Kazan, 1969. Source: personal archive of Y.  I. Talanov, the author M.  L.  Blatt.

Engineering and Electronics of the Soviet Academy

of Sciences

became another center for magnetic

resonance research after M.  E.  Zhabotinsky, a col-

league of A.  M.  Prokhorov moved there from the

Physical Institute. The Institute of Radio Engineering

and Electronics eventually attracted a strong group

of experimental and theoretical physicists (M.  I.  Ro-

dak, A.  E.  Mefed, V.  A.  Atsarkin etal.), who performed

classic studies of magnetic relaxation and spin–

spin interactions, and verified experimentally the

B.  N.  Provotorov’s theory of cross relaxation (and the

two adjacent energy reservoirs created as a result)

[89-91].

Along with physical phenomena, EPR and NMR

spectroscopy was gaining momentum as a meth-

od for chemical and biological research. The works

Now Kotelnikov Institute of Radio Engineering and Electronics (IRE) of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS454

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig.  6. Left to right: G.  I. Likhtenshtein, A.  L.  Buchachenko, E.  G.  Rozantsev, and N.  N.  Semenov, 1977. Source: [232], courtesy

to G.  I. Likhtenshtein.

Fig.  7. L. L.  Dekabrun (left) and O. D.  Vetrov (center). Source: personal archive of E.  O. Vetrova.

discussed below are classified as EPR in chemistry or

EPR in biology only arbitrary, for obvious reasons.

NMR spectroscopy in chemistry. At the Institute

of Physical Chemistry, magnetic resonance studies

were launched in the late 1950s by M.  B.  Neiman’s

group – A.  L.  Buchachenko, G.  I.  Likhtenshtein, and

E.  G.  Rozantsev, his students and colleagues. Out of

their research spin chemistry was eventually born

(A.  L.  Buchachenko, Y.  N.  Molin, K.  M.  Salikhov), as

well as the spin-label method [92-97] (Fig. 6).

Experimental work in chemical kinetics started

by V.  V.  Voevodsky’s group at the same Institute in

mid-1950s was continued by his students, after he

(and a considerable number of his colleagues) left in

1961 for the newly established Institute of Chemical

Kinetics and Combustion in Novosibirsk. The range

of studies carried out by Voevodsky and later by his

students included absorption and heterogeneous catal-

ysis [98-101], free-radical reactions in the solid state

[102, 103], EPR studies of the structure of substanc-

es, and publishing of the Atlas (chart) of the EPR

Spectra [104, 105], among other things. Recognizing

limitations of the EPR method in the “common” ul-

trahigh-frequency range (3

  cm, 8  mm), Y.  S.  Lebedev

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S455

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

would eventually create a new field in EPR spectros-

copy – high field electron paramagnetic resonance

[106, 107] – and supervise the development of the

first D-band (2 mm) EPR spectrometer (it went as far

as into small series production in the USSR) [108].

In the early period (late 1950s-early 1960s), NMR

spectroscopy investigations at the Institute for Chem-

ical Physics were the domain of L.  L.  Dekabrun’s

Laboratory [109]. L.  L.  Dekabrun himself was for the

most part concerned with the development of NMR

spectroscopic tools [110-112] (Fig.

  7). In this he ad-

vanced as far as it was possible in such a complex

field as high-resolution NMR and in the context of

the USSR mass production standards (more on this

in Scientific Instrumentation for EPR and NMR Spec-

troscopy in the USSR later in this Chapter). Roughly

in the same period, NMR spectroscopy as a method

for chemical research was studied by his fellow col-

leagues in Moscow and at the Institute’s branch in

Chernogolovka

[113-114].

The findings obtained by the young theoretical

chemists of the Theoretical Department and of the

Quantum Chemistry Lab at the Institute of Chemical

Physics (I.  V.  Alexandrov, N.  N.  Korst, E.  E.  Nikitin,

B.  N.  Provotorov, T.  N.  Khazanovich, and their stu-

dents) would later become classic for the theory of

paramagnetic relaxation. B.  N.  Provotorov, for exam-

ple, suggested a theory of two energy reservoirs cre-

ated by cross relaxation (similar to the Zeeman and

spin–spin reservoirs).

After the Institute of Chemical Physics had grown

to set up a branch in Chernogolovka, this science town

near Moscow became another center for magnetic res-

onance research. By the beginning of 1970s, the resi-

dent researchers of the branch’s labs (I.  F.  Schegolev,

I.  S.  Krainsky, V.  A.  Zabrodin, G.  V.  Lagodzinskaya)

and engineering workshops (V.  K.  Enman and oth-

ers) had designed and built high-field NMR spec-

trometers using superconducting solenoids, the only

of their kind in the USSR. They were a 180  MHz

NMR spectrometer manufactured in 1970 and a

294  MHz NMR spectrometer that went into production

in 1974 [115,  116]. A double NMR spectrometer and

a solid-state NMR spectrometer were developed by

L.  N.  Erofeev at G.  B.  Manelis’ laboratory. Theoretical

research (B.  N.  Provotorov, E.  B.  Feldman) “moved” to

Chernogolovka in mid-1970s as well.

In 1960s, NMR spectroscopy was adopted as an

indispensable research method by many of the chem-

ical institutes in Moscow, such as: Zelinsky Institute

of Organic Chemistry, the Institute of Organoelement

Compounds and the Institute of Fossil Fuels of the

USSR Academy of Sciences, Karpov Research Insti-

tute of Physical Chemistry, etc. At the Institute of

Organic Chemistry, for example, its Special Design

Bureau had a dedicated NMR Department that em-

ployed outstanding Soviet instrumentation designers

A.  N.  Lyubimov and A.  F.  Varenik. The Institute of Or-

ganoelement Compounds had a strong group of NMR

experts (E.  I.  Fedin, P.  V.  Petrovsky, I.  P.  Amiton et al.)

working at its Laboratory of Structural Analysis led by

A.  I.  Kitaigorosky. A.  N.  Nesmeyanov, Director of the

Institute, who was also head of the Department of Or-

ganic Chemistry at Lomonosov Moscow State Universi-

ty, established the NMR spectroscopy group, later-labo-

ratory, there as well, originally studying, for the most

part, metal-organic compounds [117]. At Lomonosov

Moscow State University, NMR spectroscopy in chem-

istry research had another advocate in A.  V.  Kiselev,

Professor, Department of Physical Chemistry.

After the political controversy over the reso-

nance theory in the USSR had ended, Y.  K.  Syrkin and

M.  E.  Dyatkina returned to their EPR studies they had

to pause for nearly a decade, at Kurnakov Institute

of General and Inorganic Chemistry and at Moscow

Institute of Fine Chemical Technology. Their research,

after 1959, was mostly focused on studying metal-

organic compounds [118, 119].

EPR spectroscopy in biology. ‘EPR in Biology’ in

the USSR started with L.  A.  Blumenfeld [29,30], whose

works published in 1957 prompted a rapid growth of

EPR spectroscopy applications in biological research.

A.  F.  Vanin, his student, was the first to detect nitric

oxide in biological tissues [120]; in 1998, discoveries

concerning the role of nitric oxide as a signaling mol-

ecule in cardiovascular system would win the Nobel

Prize in Physiology or Medicine. The double electron–

electron resonance [121] discovered by Blumenfeld’s

group, completely independently but simultaneously

with J.  Hyde [122], was a breakthrough in the field

as well. Studies of bioenergy processes was another

significant line of research conducted by Blumenfeld

and his students E.  K.  Ruuge, A.  N.  Tikhonov and oth-

ers [123, 124] (Fig.8). Eventually, Blumenfeld’s exper-

imental work developed into a strong school of bio-

physics, the range of problems it covered going well

beyond EPR studies in biology [125, 126].

In the beginning of the 1960s, EPR investigations

in physiology and medicine were launched at the

Institute of Biological Physics

of the Soviet Acade-

my of Sciences in Moscow, and later in Pushchino

Its scope of research covered the structure [127]

A science town (naukograd) in the Moscow Region (Oblast).

Now the Institute of Theoretical and Experimental Biophysics and the Institute of Cell Biophysics of the Russian

Academy of Sciences.

A science town in the Moscow Region, the Research Center for Biological Studies of the Russia Academy of Sciences.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS456

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig.  8. A. F.  Vanin (left), L.  Berliner (center) and A.  N. Tikhonov (right) at the IX EPR Workshop on EPR in Biology and

Medicine, Krakow, 2013. Source: personal archive of A.  F.  Vanin.

Fig. 9. M.  A. Ostrovsky (right) and his teacher, physiologist V.  G.  Samsonova (2nd left), early 1960s. Source: personal archive

of M.  A. Ostrovsky.

and function of myosin [128], respiration and oxida-

tive phosphorylation [129], and other problems. One

of the most interesting and fruitful lines of investi-

gations pertained to the photobiophysics of retinal

function was studied by M.  A.  Ostrovsky (the Institute

of Higher Nervous Activity and Neurophysiology of

the USSR Academy of Sciences) in cooperation with

L.  P.  Kayushin (the Institute of Biological Physics) very

early in the 1960s [130, 131]. Basically, they were the

first in the world to study photoreception using the

EPR method. Following their early findings, M.  A.  Os-

trovsky suggested that the retinal pigment epithelium,

previously considered as a neutral density filter in the

optic cup passively absorbing scattered light, might

in fact be instrumental in visual photoreception [132,

133]. In the end, that and some other research grew

into a new field of scientific knowledge – molecular

physiology of vision, of which M.  A.  Ostrovsky is ac-

knowledged one of the founders (Fig. 9).

In the same late 1950s, EPR studies of synthetic

polymers [134] were launched to be followed by EPR

studies of biological compounds [135, 136] at the De-

partment of Radiobiology of the Institute of Atomic

Energy of the USSR

. The idea apparently came from

V.  U.  Gavrilov, head of the Department. Primary focus

of the studies, at least in the beginning, was on the rad-

icals formed in a substance due to radiation exposure,

their composition, stability, and interactions [137].

Now Kurchatov Institute, National Research Center.

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S457

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Leningrad: selected research. In Leningrad,

magnetic resonance spectroscopy studies had a rel-

atively early start – in the beginning of 1950s at the

latest. At the Leningrad State University, a magnet-

ic resonance Laboratory was set up by F.  I.  Skripov.

Back then, he began NMR investigations of the Earth’s

magnetic field [138], an ongoing research up to the

present day at now St.  Petersburg State University.

Interestingly, Skripov was de facto the first to apply

the Fourier transform technique to NMR spectroscopy

[139]. Yet, priority of the discovery was lost due to

resistance of the Soviet patent office to patent this

method, a frustratingly typical storyline in the histo-

ry of the Soviet science [140]. Nearly a decade later,

in 1966, a similar method would be independently

developed by R.  Ernst. Another research avenue Skri-

pov had been exploring was high-resolution NMR

spectroscopy [141]. In the early 1960s, acoustic NMR

studies were launched at the University as well by

V.  A.  Shutilov and his students [142-144].

Late in 1950s, at the Leningrad Physical-Techni-

cal Institute

EPR spectroscopy was applied to the

studies of free atoms trapped in polar and nonpolar

media [145, 146] along with experimental work with

regards to optical methods of atomic orientation (the

“optical pumping” method) [147]. Eventually, each de-

veloped into a whole new field of scientific research:

EPR studies of conductors and optically detected mag-

netic resonance (ODMR). In both, the now Ioffe Insti-

tute is among the leaders [148, 149].

Magnetic resonance instrumentation design was

another magnetic resonance-related area that had a

relatively early start in Leningrad. It began in 1960 at

the Special Design Department for Analytical Instru-

mentation (SDD AI) of the USSR Academy of Sciences,

with Leningrad Electrotechnical University

launch-

ing a similar program later (more on this in Scientif-

ic Instrumentation for EPR and NMR Spectroscopy in

the USSR later in this Chapter).

Minsk: school of EPR spectroscopy. In Minsk,

the history of EPR studies began in 1956 after

M.  A.  Elyashevich left the Institute of Chemical Phys-

ics (USSR Academy of Sciences) in Moscow for the Be-

larusian State University. As was said earlier, in the

USSR, application of EPR and to some extent NMR, as

a method for studies in biology and in chemistry start-

ed at the Institute of Chemical Physics. In mid-1950s,

potential of the resonance methods in those fields was

widely discussed there, and Elyashevich was among

the most enthusiastic advocates of the technique [150].

In the next decades, the scientific school he founded

contributed a lot to the development of EPR applica-

tions in chemistry, geology, medicine, and in other

fields. But its major achievement was the develop-

ment of a new class of compact EPR spectrometers

prompting growth of EPR studies in the USSR in gen-

eral, in particular in the decade before the collapse of

the Soviet Union. Several generations of his students

stood behind those advancements in instrumentation

design with S.  S.  Shushkevich (in the 1960s-1970s) and

V.  N.  Linev (since mid-1970s) playing the crucial part

(Fig.4) [151]. Their designs are discussed in more de-

tail in the Scientific Instrumentation for EPR and NMR

Spectroscopy in the USSR later in this Chapter.

Tallin: works on application of NMR spectros-

copy in chemistry by the group of E.  T.  Lippmaa. In

1962, another outstanding scientist and his group en-

tered the playing field of high-resolution NMR, joining

Dekabrun, Bystrov, and Samitov – Estonian chemical

physicist Endel Lippmaa of the Tallinn University of

Technology [152,  153]. By that time, Lippmaa had al-

ready left the University for the newly established In-

stitute of Cybernetics of the Estonian SSR Academy of

Sciences to head its Division of Physics; his group and

equipment following him to the Institute. He never

aimed to provide the Soviet industry with a prototype

for serial production of a proton magnetic resonance

(PMR) spectrometer. Having mastered the PMR method

(proton–proton double resonance included), Lippmaa

rather aspired to use spectroscopy in the studies of

the

C isotope, a carbon essential in organic chemis-

try studies. To that end, special, much more sensitive

techniques (proton–carbon double resonance in par-

ticular) capable of massive data accumulation, were

required. Lippmaa found the solution in equipping

his spectrometers (there were at least four of them

by that time) with a computer-based add-on system

he managed to procure in Finland, and thus made his

laboratory one of the world leaders in

N and,

since 1965,

N NMR spectroscopy [154, 155].

Kiev and Kharkov: acoustic resonance studies.

In 1957, at the Institute of Physics, Academy of Sci-

ences, Ukrainian SSR, Kiev, M.  F.  Deigen launched his

radiospectroscopic studies of nonmetallic crystals that

were later scaled up at the Department of Radio Spec-

troscopy he created at the Institute of Semiconduc-

tors, Academy of Sciences, Ukrainian SSR, that spun

off the Institute of Physics in 1960. Deigen’s focus was

to a great extent on the development of the electron

nuclear double resonance (ENDOR) method, which he

recognized as a remarkably informative and potent.

Under his guidance the first ENDOR apparatus in the

USSR was built and used to determine energy-band

structure and electron density distribution in crystals,

among other things. Deigen’s systematic research on

the influence of external factors (such as tempera-

Now the Ioffe Physical-Technical Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

Now Saint Petersburg Electrotechnical University “LETI”.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS458

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

ture, pressure, electric fields, etc.) on the EPR and

ENDOR spectra gave birth to a whole new field of

study – radiospectroscopic studies of material prop-

erties localized in the vicinity of defect sites [156].

His experimental work contributed to the refined theo-

ry explaining ENDOR frequencies, intensities, and line

shapes. Likewise, Deigen predicted the electron-nucle-

ar double magneto-acoustic resonance (ultrasound-

induced transitions between nuclear sublevels) to be

confirmed experimentally two years later [157].

In Kharkov, at the Institute of Radiophysics and

Electronics, Academy of Sciences, Ukrainian SSR

hypersonic studies were launched early in the 1960s,

acoustic paramagnetic resonance studies to follow

suit later [158, 159].

Tbilisi. In Georgia, magnetic resonance re-

search started with G.  R.  Khutsishvili, L.  D.  Landau’s

post-graduate student, coming to work to the Insti-

tute of Physics, Academy of Sciences, Georgian SSR, in

the early 1950s. By mid-1960s, there and at the Tbilisi

State University a strong group of theoretical physi-

cists was eventually brought together: G.  R.  Khutsish-

vili, L.  L.  Buishvili, M.  D.  Zviadadze, and others [160-

163]. At the Tbilisi University, T.  I.  Sanadze’s group

launched its EPR studies of polymers and crystals

[164, 165], investigations of a wide range of phe-

nomena to follow: forbidden transitions and magnet-

ic relaxation, line shapes and saturation effects, the

Overhauser effect, EPR, NMR, and FMR. Noteworthi-

ly, despite a thousand-mile distance between Tbilisi

or Tallinn and Moscow, scientific groups working in

the different parts of the Soviet Union collaborat-

ed closely, which is clear from the composition of

author teams and acknowledgments in some of the

papers.

Yerevan. EPR studies in Armenia were directly

related to similar research at the Institute of Chemi-

cal Physics in Moscow. In 1959, A.  B.  Nalbandyan – a

student of N.  N.  Semenov and, since 1960, a corre-

sponding member of the Academy of Sciences, Arme-

nian SSR (since 1963, an academician) – established a

Laboratory (later Institute) of Chemical Physics, Acad-

emy of Sciences, Armenian SSR, in Yerevan. Much of

his research stemmed from his earlier work in Mos-

cow [166] pertaining to combustion mechanisms [167-

170], in particular to the degenerate branching chain

reaction kinetics and mechanism. In addition to ERP

and laser magnetic resonance spectroscopy already

in use, a new technique – the rapid freezing method

to detect radicals – was developed and employed in

experimentation at the Laboratory. Strengths and lim-

itations of the three methods, along with the findings

obtained with their use, were later summarized in a

number of monographs [171, 172].

Molotov

: magnetic resonance spectroscopy.

In Perm, magnetic resonance related research start-

ed with I.  G.  Shaposhnikov. A person with an ex-

traordinary trajectory of life (Voronezh–Vladivostok–

Moscow–Vladivostok–Kazan–Nikolaev–Kazan–Perm

he crossed paths with E.  K.  Zavoisky at the turning

point in EPR history – at the time of the EPR discov-

ery. On his return from the front lines, Shaposhnikov,

for a short period of time (1945-1946), worked at the

Kazan State University, Department of Experimental

and Theoretical Physics headed by Zavoisky. Para-

magnetic relaxation was among the subject matters

he conducted studies on, according to the Depart-

ment’s report [4]. In 1946, he was appointed head of

the Department of Theoretical Physics that “seceded

from” the Zavoisky’s Department, and in 1948 – left

for Molotov State University

. Paramagnetic relax-

ation, however, continued to be a phenomenon of sci-

entific interest for him. After his Kazan-time research

[173-175], he returned to the related phenomena in

many of his later works [176-179].

Since the late 1950s, other researchers at Molotov

State University embarked on the studies of various

of magnetic resonance phenomena: EPR, NMR, NQR,

and related phenomena in crystals, gases, and biolog-

ical systems [180-184]. Similarly, development of in-

strumentation for magnetic resonance studies started

at the University in the same period, in particular of

instruments for the NQR and quadrupole spin echo

observation, NMR sensors, and tools for experiment

automation [185-187]. According to the recently pub-

lished collection of selected works by the scientists of

Perm State University [188], a great number of papers

came out within the decade (1960-1970). Unfortunate-

ly, for the most part, the research was originally pub-

lished in the local, not readily available, press, such

as: “Transactions of ENI

, Perm State University”,

“Transactions of Perm State University”, “Proceed-

ings of VUZes

”, “Radio Spectroscopy”, collections of

conference proceedings, etc. Too many scientists were

involved in magnetic resonance studies in Perm to

list all of them here. The most frequent names among

the authors of theoretical and experimental research

include: V.  S.  Grechishkin, N.  E.  Ainbinder, G.  B.  Soifer,

Now Usikov Institute for Radio Physics and Electronics of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine.

Now Perm.

Regional centers all across Russia and Ukraine.

Now Perm State University, also Perm State National Research University.

Transliterated abbreviation standing for the Institute of Natural Sciences.

Transliterated abbreviation standing for Higher Educations Establishments.

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S459

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

I.  A.  Kuntsel, M.  L.  Zlatogorsky, and L.  M.  Tsirulnikova.

Among the developers, most frequently published

V.  P.  Zelenin, V.  A.  Kushkov, G.  I.  Subbotin, S.  I.  Guschin,

V.  A.  Shishkin, B.  G.  Derendyaev, Y.  I.  Rosenberg,

G.  G.  Kudymov, and Y.  G.  Svetlov.

Sverdlovsk

. In Sverdlovsk, a school of physics

of magnetic phenomena emerged already in 1940s,

driven mostly by S.  V.  Vonsovsky and his research (as

early as in 1948 his monumental work [189] was pub-

lished). It was no coincidence that the First All-Union

Conference on the Physics of Magnetic Phenomena

held in 1946, E.  K.  Zavoisky and B.  M.  Kozyrev invit-

ed, took place in Sverdlovsk. In mid-1950s, EPR, NMR,

and FMR studies began there too, carried out most-

ly at the Ural Polytechnic Institute

. The renowned

Urals school of magnetic resonance was eventually

established by G.  V.  Skrotsky [190-193], at the very

least it was strongly influenced by his work.

Apart from its scientific contribution, the Ural

school, or its leader G.  B.  Skrotsky to be precise, cre-

ated a valuable phenomenon of a different kind– the

All-Union Workshops on Magnetic Resonance held ev-

ery other year starting with 1968 all across the Soviet

Union. The Workshops attracted young (and not so

young) scientists from all over the USSR to share

knowledge and build working and friendly relation-

ships within the Soviet magnetic resonance commu-

nity.

Novosibirsk: school of EPR-spectroscopy

(V.  V.  Voevodsky school). In Novosibirsk, EPR and

NMR spectroscopy development is associated with

V.  V.  Voevodsky and his group, who was transferred

from the Institute of Chemical Physics, Moscow, to

the newly established Institute of Chemical Kinetics

and Combustion, USSR Academy of Sciences, Siberian

Branch. Although officially Voevodsky and his team

started working there in 1959, the Institute’s building

was still under construction at the time and thus in

actual fact they moved to Novosibirsk only two years

later, in 1961. That year was the starting point in the

history of magnetic resonance research in Novosibirsk

and a new stage in the development of Voevodsky’s

school of radio spectroscopy in chemistry. They never

lost touch with their Moscow colleagues, though, in

particular with those at the Institute of Chemical

Physics, and many of the works were carried out in

close cooperation.

In the decade discussed here (1961-1970), Vo-

evodsky and his colleagues continued EPR radiolysis

research they started back in Moscow in 1957 with

the launch of EPR spectroscopic studies using the In-

stitute’s electron beam accelerator. In Novosibirsk, the

scope of EPR research grew to include radical recom-

bination reactions and intramolecular energy transfer

[194-197], as well as combustion reactions involving

radical generation detectable by EPR spectroscopy [35,

198] (Fig.  10). Problems pertaining to photochemistry

[199], polymer chemistry [200], and catalysis [201]

had all been within the realm of scientific inquiry of

the new school of radiospectroscopy. In the biology

related research Voevodsky’s group was assisted by

the Institute of Cytology and Genetics, the USSR Acad-

emy of Sciences, Siberian Branch [202].

Another important avenue explored in Novo-

sibirsk pertained to the relaxation and spin echo

methods [203-207] including theoretical explanation

and interpretation of the spin echo experimental re-

sults. Theoreticians at the Institute of Chemical Ki-

netics and Combustion, K.  M.  Salikhov in particular,

contributed a lot to the advancement of the theory

of exchange interactions, the theory of spin waves,

and other theoretical problems [208-211]. Finally, in

the same period, spin chemistry, a new field of study

that would burgeon in the next decade, was already

emerging in the works of the scientists in Novosi-

birsk [212] (Fig. 11).

NMR spectroscopic studies in chemistry were

advancing in Novosibirsk along with the EPR re-

search, including those regarding biophysical prob-

lems [213], such as studying structures of glycosides

from Ginseng, denaturation of tRNAs [214, 215].

Now Ekaterinburg.

Now part of the Ural Federal University named after the First President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin.

Fig.  10. Yu. N.  Molin (left) and Yu.  D.  Tsvetkov (right), No-

vosibirsk, 1962. Source: the Electronic Photo Archive of the

Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, http://

www.soran1957.ru/?id=krai_100616111436_2725_0. Courtesy

of I.  Yu. Pavlovskaya.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS460

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig. 11. K.  M. Salikhov (left), R.  Z.  Sagdeev (2nd left), Yu. N.  Molin (right), Novosibirsk, 1989. Source: personal archive of

Yu.  N. Molin.

A standalone comparative research was launched

to study correlation between the findings obtained

in both methods [216]. In the same years, spin la-

belling (iminoxyl radicals) was being researched

[217, 218]. Continuing their cooperation with the In-

stitute of Chemical Physics, Voevodsky’s group was

part of the “exotic” positronium studies carried out

by V.  I.  Goldansky.

It must be said that another center for NMR stud-

ies emerged in Novosibirsk later in the same period–

the Institute of Organic Chemistry, USSR Academy of

Science, Siberian Branch

, EPR research eventually

added to its scientific agenda as well.

Krasnoyarsk: NMR spectroscopy. Krasnoyarsk’s

school of NMR spectroscopy was founded by A.  G.  Lun-

din – one the few who passed Landau’s Theoretical

Minimum

, alumnus of Moscow Power Engineering

Institute and of the Institute of Physical Problems, the

legendary “kapitsnik”, where he had been working

for three years. In 1950, amid the battle against cos-

mopolitism

gaining momentum in the USSR, he was

posted to Krasnoyarsk to the radio engineering plant.

There he spent the next 13 years. Lundin, however,

never surrendered to his “excommunication” from

the scientific work and, in 1951 decided to conduct

research, off work, at the Siberian Forestry Engi-

neering Institute

, Department of Physic, headed by

P.  S.  Sarapkin, in cooperation with G.  M.  Mikhailov.

The NMR method, he developed a strong interest for

back at the “kapitsnik”, was his field of choice for the

studies he embarked on in Krasnoyarsk. Supported

by L.  V.  Kirensky, a friend of P.  S.  Sarapkin, Lundin

was well equipped to make quick progress in his

experiments. By the year 1957, A.  G.  Lundin and his

colleagues had built an NMR spectrometer using a ro-

tating magnet (placed on an anti-aircraft gun mount)

to investigate effects of crystal orientation [219].

In 1963, after 13 years at the radio engineering plant,

A.  G.  Lundin was offered a position at the Institute of

Physics, USSR Academy of Sciences, Siberian Branch,

by L.  V.  Kirensky. Since that year the Institute of

Physics had been the heart of NMR research in Kras-

noyarsk.

Lundin’s school focused predominantly on NMR

investigations of crystals: crystalline hydrates, organic

acids crystals, minerals, etc. [220, 221]. Worth partic-

ular mention are the studies of ferroelectric phase

transitions and of the nature of ferroelectricity [222-

224]. On the theoretical side, effects of internal mo-

lecular motions in NMR spectra [225, 226] were inves-

tigated, as well as an approach was developed to the

line-shape inverse problem in the NMR spectra, that

is to determination of the crystal cell parameters by

means of orientation-dependent spectra [227].

Although as early as in 1964 the Institute of

Physics somehow got hold of a brand-name Japan

Now the N.  N. Vorozhtsov Novosibirsk Institute of Organic Chemistry, Russian Academy of Sciences, Siberian

Branch.

Landau developed a comprehensive exam called the “Theoretical Minimum” which students were expected to

pass before admission to his seminar. The exam covered all aspects of theoretical physics. Between 1934 and 1961

only 43 candidates passed.

An euphemism for the anti-Semitic campaign in the USSR waged in 1948-1953.

Now part of Reshetnev Siberian State University of Science and Technology.

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S461

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

NMR spectrometer JNM-3H-60, experimental instru-

mentation was, for the most part, assembled at the

Institute itself, including by the Lundin’s team. For

example, for the studies of solids, they built a wide-

line NMR spectrometer using a superconducting mag-

net (NMR-213M

), one of the most impressive strides

made by Lundin and his colleagues in spectroscopic

instrumentation. It would later go into a small-series

production (more on this in Scientific Instrumenta-

tion for EPR and NMR Spectroscopy in the USSR lat-

er in this Chapter). Apart from this major piece of

equipment, Lundin’s team designed and built a great

many of simpler tools, such as high-temperature sen-

sors for NMR spectroscopy, instruments for record-

ing spectra at high hydrostatic pressures, automation

tools for processing NMR spectra, and experiment

automation systems. New methods, including pulsed

NMR [228], were advancing as well. In the domain

of EPR instrumentation, a Q-band (8 mm) EPR spec-

trometer capable of applying uniaxial pressure to

the sample was developed, along with the set of EPR

magnetometers (EPRAN-1200) for geophysical mea-

surements (E.  P.  Zeer, G.  F.  Lybzikov, V.  V.  Menshikov,

S.  A.  Trofimov, V.  V.  Lisin et al.), although it was in

the later years – in the second half of the 1970s.

SCIENTIFIC INSTRUMENTATION FOR EPR

AND NMR SPECTROSCOPY IN THE USSR

Rapid development of radiospectroscopic stud-

ies in chemistry and biology, as was said earlier,

began with the groups led by V.  V.  Voevodsky and

L.  A.  Blumenfeld launching their research at the In-

stitute of Chemical Studies, USSR Academy of Scienc-

es, in mid-1950s. Voevodsky’s group meanwhile con-

tributed to yet another breakthrough in the field of

EPR instrumentation design, owing mostly to the ef-

forts of his younger colleagues, namely N.  N.  Bubnov,

Y.  N.  Molin, A.  G.  Semenov, Y.  D.  Tsvetkov (Fig.  10),

and V.  M.  Chibrikin [229]. As a result of extended

enough collective efforts, A.  G.  Semenov developed

an original spectrometer that came to be known as

EPR-2

spectrometer. Its design allowed to study

free-radical reactions with high precision (resulting

from the use of a transmission-type resonator, a dou-

ble-modulation technique, and a tunable frequency

oscillator [230]). To a certain extent, EPR-2 spectrom-

eter filled the void of the Soviet original instrumen-

tation for the years to come. Using EPR-2 as a proto-

type, Leningrad Special Design Bureau for Analytical

Instrumentation, USSR Academy of Sciences, designed

a model optimized for mass production. It had been

on the market for the next 15 years (up to 1976) as

a RE1301

spectrometer produced by the Smolensk

Plant of Automation Equipment [231]. Studies using

ERP spectroscopy grew in number as new scientif-

ic institutions were established on the wave of the

so called “Big Chemistry”

program, namely, in the

Institute of Chemical Kinetics and Combustion in No-

vosibirsk and the Branch of the Institute of Chemical

Physics in Chernogolovka. The Institute of Chemical

Physics itself continued to widely use the EPR meth-

od in its research. Quality of the instrumentation

manufactured in the USSR, no doubt, had room for

improvement. G.  I.  Likhtenshtein [232], for example,

reminisced how academician A.  L.  Buchachenko had

to fine-tune his manufactured RE1301 himself. The

important thing though was that there were EPR in-

struments produced in the USSR. As there was orig-

inal literature on the EPR methods published in the

Soviet Union, especially so in the early 1960s (more

on this in Chapter IV, part II).

In the context of EPR instrumentation develop-

ment in general, though, one must say that in the lat-

er years progress was rather modest. Considering the

scientific-technological revolution in the world, sci-

entific instrumentation engineering in the USSR was,

alas, behind the knowledge-intensive industries in

the West. New instruments, however, continued to be

developed. The Special Design Bureau for Analytical

Instrumentation, for example, in the 1960s-1970s de-

signed a series of EPR spectrometers of the RE

-fami-

ly, both the traditional 3-cm instruments (X-band), and

8-mm models (Q-band). The RE family of spectrome-

ters was the most common in the USSR: several hun-

dred of them were manufactured over two decades

(early  1960s-mid-1980s). Along with the RE spectrom-

eters, more advanced instruments were designed and

produced in small series. Of them the most common-

ly known was the EPR-3 (Siberia)

spectrometer de-

veloped by A.  G.  Semenov at the Institute of Chemical

Kinetics and Combustion, USSR Academy of Scienc-

es, Siberian Branch, in Novosibirsk. It was manufac-

tured by the Pilot Plant, USSR Academy of Sciences,

Siberian Branch, as a small series of 45 instruments.

In Cyrillic, ЯМР-213М.

In Cyrillic, ЭПР-2.

In Cyrillic, РЭ1301.

A large-scale program announced by the USSR government to develop chemical industry in the country for the years

1959-1980.

In Cyrillic, РЭ.

In Cyrillic, ЭПР-3 “Сибирь”.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS462

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig. 12. Specialized compact EPR spectrometer constructed by V.  N.  Linev’s team at BSU early in the 1980s. Source: personal

archive of V.  N. Linev.

At the same Institute, Y.  D.  Tsvetkov designed a pulsed

EPR spectrometer, although it failed to go into pro-

duction. Y.  S.  Lebedev’s laboratory at the Institute of

Chemical Physics, Moscow, was another player in the

field of EPR instrumentation development. In coop-

eration with the Donetsk Institute for Physics and

Engineering, Academy of Sciences, Ukrainian SSR,

Lebedev’s team designed the first high-field (2-mm)

spectrometer in the USSR. Also involved in the de-

velopment of special purpose EPR spectrometers was

Ulyanov Leningrad Electrotechnical Institute (LETI).

Small series of the LETI’s spectrometers were pro-

duced by the Leningrad Association of Electronic In-

strumentation “Svetlana”, USSR’s famous electronic

instrumentation manufacturer.

In the latest years of the discussed period argu-

ably the most important, in terms of small series EPR

instrumentation production, was the development of

compact EPR spectrometers at the Belarusian State

University. The project was launched in mid-1970s

by S.  S.  Shushkevich, a student of A.  M.  Elyashevich,

who would eventually be thrown into the interna-

tional spotlight but in a totally different context

V.  N.  Linev was the central person in terms of devel-

opment as such. Eventually, he would be the one to

keep production of the benchtop EPR spectrometers

afloat amid the economical turmoil in the USSR and,

later, in independent Belarus. Back in 1970s, within

several years, he and his group developed extraor-

dinarily compact instruments weighing 28 to 50  kg.

Later, by introducing a permanent magnet instead of

a cumbersome electromagnet, spectrometer weight

was decreased down to 8  kg. To compare, a regu-

lar EPR spectrometer, including the spectrometers

of RE-family, weighed over a ton at the time in the

USSR. Compact size, lower power consumption, stron-

ger noise immunity and other parameters made Be-

larusian compact EPR spectrometers instrumentation

of choice in mineral exploration, manufacturing,

hospitals, etc. (Fig.  12) [151]. The Belarusian family

of benchtop EPR spectrometers is the only one that

survived the USSR and is still on the market, under

the brand name LINEV, former Adani.

In the development of NMR instrumentation,

meanwhile, the situation was much more complicat-

ed. Early in 1960s, literature on NMR (mostly by non-

USSR authors) only began to be published. Although

after 1955 restrictions on international contacts for

the Soviet scientists were eased, an international

exchange program was still an impossible dream at

the time. There was a huge void of NMR instruments

in the country. Attempts that were made to set up

manufacturing of NMR instrumentation all but failed.

While the Academy’s Special Design Bureau succeed-

ed in designing a basic EPR spectrometer suited for

production, it was still an impossible undertaking for

the USSR non-military industry to generate a strato-

spheric by its standards stability of magnetic field

and frequency, and magnetic field homogeneity (10

−8

The first designs developed by the Special Design Bu-

reau offered the ratio of 10

−5

, which was enough for

conducting some studies of broadened lines in solids.

The resulting prototype though was cumbersome, ex-

pensive, and, basically, useless for chemistry labs.

In 1991-1994, S. S. Shushkevich was Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Belarus, the first head of state after Belarus

seceded from the Soviet Union. He was one of the three leaders who in December, 1991, signed the Belovezha Accords

that ended the USSR and established the CIS as a successor entity.

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S463

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

As early as in the beginning of 1960s, there were

other endeavors to develop NMR spectrometers and

put them into small-series production, apart from

the “model range” designed by the Academy’s Special

Design Bureau. By 1961, L.  L.  Dekabrun’s lab at the

Institute of Chemical Physics had designed an NMR

spectrometer operating at 27 MHz proton frequency

[110]. Two years later, in 1963, it was used as a pro-

totype by the Design Bureau, Academy of Sciences,

Estonian SSR (headed by Enno Laud), to produce sev-

eral prototype samples of the SNMR-63

spectrome-

ter using a 0.5  T permanent magnet, for NMR studies

H and 

F. Karpov Institute of Physical Chemistry

in Moscow was among the reputable scientific institu-

tions that had been using the SNMR-63 spectrometer

for many years in its experimental work. Simultane-

ously, a 27  MHz proton NMR spectrometer was devel-

oped by Y.  Y.  Samitov of the Kazan State University.

Named KGU-1

, the Kazan spectrometer was used

by some institutions of the USSR chemistry industry.

It was a godsend to the Soviet NMR spectrosco-

py that M.  B.  Neiman, a pioneer of EPR in chemistry,

found two accomplished experts in building magnets

and electronic instruments in the depths of a Design

Bureau of the USSR Ministry of Ferrous Metallurgy,

one of the Soviet Union’s “sharashkas”

. They were

Alexander Nikolayevich Lubimov and Anatoly Fedo-

seevich Varenik, both political prisoners. Out of their

cooperation came the development of an almost up to

date NMR spectrometer (CLA 5535

, later RS-60

although it still was some 5 years behind its Western

analogues. The endeavor was described by E.  I.  Fedin

(Fig. 13) in his memoirs [233] and by I.  Y.  Slonim

[234] in his interview, among others. Success of

Lubimov and Varenik was based on the principle of

stabilization of gyromagnetic ratio with the help of

an auxiliary NMR signal. This was accompanied with

the impeccable mechanical and thermal processing

(in the reducing atmosphere) of the magnet pole tips.

With their CLA 5535 model Lubimov and Varenik dis-

pelled the myth about the Western instrumentation

designers forging magnet poles from the monocrys-

talline iron, a desperate idea once suggested by the

participants of N.  M.  Ievskaya’s NMR seminar at the

Moscow State University. E.  I.  Fedin, who worked di-

rectly with A.  N.  Nesmeyanov (Fig.  13), President of

the USSR Academy of Sciences in 1951-1961, initiat-

ed a campaign in support of Lubimov and his group

and against the conventional approach to NMR in-

struments design adopted by the Special Design Bu-

reau of the USSR Academy of Science. This essentially

a tragicomic story stemming from an article in the

Literaturnaia Gazeta (Literature Newspaper) in 1963

[235], was told in the Fedin’s memoirs and in the

recent article [236]. Following the outrage expressed

by the leadership of the Special Design Bureau, Erlen

Ilyich Fedin had to act as a mediator between the dif-

ferent members of the budding NMR instrumentation

industry. To some extent, he succeeded in his mission.

By 1966, both the Special Design Bureau of Analytical

Instrumentation in Leningrad (headed by Y.  K.  Klei-

man) and the Special Design Bureau of the Institute

of Organic Chemistry, USSR Academy of Sciences, in

Moscow had designed more or less adequate pro-

totypes of the 60 MHz proton NMR spectrometers.

(It was the latter institution that the Lubimov’s

group was eventually transferred to with the help

of Fedin.) The prototype designed in Leningrad was

put into production at the Smolensk Plant of Automa-

tion Equipment, while Lubimov’s design was manu-

factured at the Instrumentation Engineering Plant in

Sumy, Ukrainian SSR, as the RS-60

model. Unfortu-

nately, as experience showed, none of the two were

fully equipped to manufacture such an intricate in-

strument. Both manufacturers barely scraped through

with a total of two dozen instruments produced, and

only a few of them were used in real chemistry re-

search after being fine-tuned.

By 1974, E.  P.  Zeer from the Lundin’s lab at the

Institute of Physics in Krasnoyarsk had developed a

wide-line solid-state NMR spectrometer using a su-

perconducting solenoid (designed by A.  G.  Lundin,

E.  P.  Zeer, G.  F.  Lybzikov, V.  V.  Menshikov, Y.  A.  Zag-

orodny, and V.  A.  Babaev, with E.  P.  Zeer as a head

of the development group). In 1974, the spectrometer

was for the first time exhibited at VDNH

, USSR’s

biggest trade show. In 1975, after major improve-

ments, it was put on display in Leipzig, East Germa-

ny, where the International Autumn NMR Workshop

was being held [228]. In 1976, it was once again

In Cyrillic, СЯМР-63.

In Cyrillic, КГУ-1, an abbreviation standing for Kazan State University.

Secret research and development facilities operating through the work of prisoners within the Soviet Gulag labor

camp system and beyond under the supervision of NKVD, the Soviet secret service, from 1930 to the 1950s.

In Cyrillic, ЦЛА 5535.

In Cyrillic, РС-60.

A transliterated Cyrillic abbreviation standing for the Exhibition of Achievements of National Economy. A permanent

trade show and amusement park in Moscow, USSR (now in Russia), designed to demonstrate the best accomplishments

of Soviet industries.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS464

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig. 13. Left to right: E.  I. Fedin, A. N.  Nesmeyanov, and P.  V.  Petrovsky. The Institute of Organoelement Compounds, Moscow,

early 1970s. Source: personal archive of I.  P.  Amiton.

displayed at VDNH and this time was awarded gold-

en, silver, and three bronze medals. A.  G.  Lundin

was friends with E.  I.  Fedin, head of the Commission

for Radio-Frequency Spectroscopy, USSR Academy of

Sciences. Fedin’s former colleague at the Institute of

Organoelement Compounds, L.  A.  Fyodorov, was at

the time deputy for science at the Department of

Science Instrumentation, USSR Academy of Sciences.

Not least because of those friendships and enthusi-

asm on the part of Lundin and Fedin the Department

approved manufacturing of a small-series of NMR

spectrometers designed in Krasnoyarsk, at the Ex-

perimental Factory of Scientific Engineering in Cher-

nogolovka. Within several years, 10 spectrometers

were produced under the brand-name NMR-213M

Finally, in the late 1970s-early 1980s, the Acad-

emy’s Special Design Bureau made an effort to set

up mass-production of a high-field NMR spectrome-

ter. According to the Bureau itself, it “had been en-

tertaining the idea of developing a radio-frequency

spectrometer with a superconducting magnet since

the early seventies, but for various reasons could not

move ahead before 1979” [231]. In 1979, encouraged

by the enthusiasm of E.  I.  Fedin, head of the Acade-

my’s Commission for Radio-Frequency Spectroscopy,

the Bureau proceeded with the development of such

instrument. The high-resolution laboratory NMR spec-

trometer designed by I.  F.  Schegolev, I.  S.  Krainsky,

V.  A.  Zabrodin, G.  V.  Lagodzinskaya, V.  K.  Enman etal.

at the Institute of Chemical Physics, Chernogolovka

Branch was used as a starting point (Fig.  14). By1982,

the Bureau had “finished building its RI2304

mod-

el – a pulsed-Fourier-transform

H NMR spectrom-

eter with a superconducting magnet, operating at

200MHz, the first in the USSR” [231]. Alas, the instru-

ment missed its chance to be put into production. In

1982, the Smolensk Scientific Development and Pro-

duction Center “Analitpribor”. suspended its magnetic

resonance instruments production, while MicroInstru-

mentation Plant in Lviv, Ukrainian SSR, was not to

start manufacturing MR instrumentation until several

years later. Moreover, production of the RI2304 model

required stronger technical capabilities than those of

the EPR or NMR spectrometers manufactured before,

which was out of reach for any of the two plants.

Meanwhile, Soviet chemists had been growing to

understand that foreign instrumentation had to be

employed. The first were the chemists of the Acade-

my’s Institute of Macromolecular Compounds in Len-

ingrad who, in 1960, acquired a Japan 40  MHz PMR

spectrometer. In 1961, two 25  MHz NMR spectrome-

ters manufactured by Trüb, Täuber &Co, Switzerland,

were acquired– one by the Karpov Institute of Physi-

cal Chemistry, the leading scientific institution of the

USSR chemical industry, and the other by the Institute

of Organoelement Compounds headed by the presi-

dent of the USSR Academy of Sciences A.  N.  Nesmey-

anov. Structural studies of organic and organo-

element compounds with the use of the imported

instruments produced some results, providing basis

In Cyrillic, ЯМР-213М.

In Cyrillic, РИ2304.

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S465

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

Fig. 14. The first prototype of the ChG-180 MHz NMR spectrometer developed in Chernogolovka in 1971(a) and its authors–

V.  P.  Bubnov, G.  V.  Lagodzinskaya, and V.  A.  Zabrodin, after the instrument was made ready to be transferred to the museum,

2006 (b). The intended transfer, however, fell apart in the end. Source: personal archive of G.  V.  Lagodzinskaya.

for a meaningful discussion with the Western peers

for whom NMR spectroscopy was already an integral

part of their research work. Practical experience with

the Trüb–Täuber spectrometers using a permanent

magnet made it clear that, given technical capabili-

ty of the USSR instrumentation industry at the time,

endeavors to build a decent permanent-magnet PMR

spectrometer would have been a lost cause. Magnetic

induction below 2  T was sufficient to provide neither

the necessary sensitivity nor the resolution required

for proton resonance in organic compounds (due to

specific characteristics of proton spectra, indirect

spin–spin interactions– at low PMR frequencies– of-

ten being of the same order of magnitude as chem-

ical shifts). In fluorine NMR, though, magnetic fields

of such a strength were at least in some instances

operative. Foreign instrumentation thus made its way

into the budgets of USSR leading chemistry research-

ers. In the West, Japan JEOL spectrometers could

not compete with the ones manufactured by the US

Varian Associates with its instruments based on the

Bloch–Hansen patented technology and laboratories

employing the best of the US NMR experts. Despite

the US embargo on strategic materials, equipment,

and arms exports to the USSR

, JEOL spectrometers

were shipped to the Soviet Union to be used by sci-

entific institutions of the Academy of Sciences, such

as Lomonosov Moscow State University (Y.  A.  Ustynuk

and N.  M.  Sergeev, Faculty of Chemistry), some of the

Institutes of the defense industry, and some of the

medical research facilities. The funds allocated to

Techsnabexport, a Soviet technology export and im-

port bureau, for purchasing spectroscopy instrumen-

tation most likely came from the oil export revenues.

The first Japan 100  MHz PMR spectrometers were

purchased for the Faculty of Chemistry of Lomonosov

Moscow State University and for the Institute of Mo-

lecular Biology, the USSR Academy of Science.

Since late 1960, it had been in the air that a

new era in the magnetic resonance development was

about to begin. The USSR was no exception – mag-

netic resonance research in the country reached a

turning point. In terms of theoretical studies, Sovi-

et scientists were on equal grounds as their West-

ern colleagues, and in some respects ahead of them

(B.  N.  Provotorov of the Institute of Chemical Physics,

with his theory of cross relaxation, and his students

M.  A.  Kozhushner and O.  I.  Olkhov; M.  I.  Rodak of

the Radio Engineering and Electronics Institute, USSR

Academy of Sciences; theoreticians of the Tbilisi State

University). In experimental instrumentation develop-

ment, however, the Soviet Union was frustratingly be-

hind the West. Although, the EPR saturation studies

on dynamic nuclear polarization in crystals and poly-

mers did bear fruit. De facto, the USSR physicists dis-

covered the multi-particle method of dynamic nuclear

US Export Control Act of 1949. Under pressure from the US, the embargo was joined by 17 other countries, US allies,

including Japan.

KESSENIKH, PTUSHENKOS466

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

polarization (DNP) (V.  A.  Atsarkin, A.  E.  Mefed, et al.

of the Radio Engineering and Electronics Institute;

V.  I.  Luschikov, Y.  V.  Taran et al. of the Joint Institute

for Nuclear Research, who completed an apprentice-

ship at the A.  A.  Manenkov’s lab at the Physical Tech-

nical Institute). Following their international counter-

parts and drawing on the experimental findings by

Manenkov’s laboratory, Soviet physicists at the Joint

Institute for Nuclear Research developed a polarized

proton target to investigate the effect of proton spin

on neutron beams. Yet, breakthroughs were few and

far between, the real problem – manufacturing of

NMR instrumentation for chemistry research – re-

maining unresolved.

The new era in magnetic resonance development

came, firstly, with the emergence of pulse excitation

and Fourier transform techniques. New methods re-

quired every instrument to have a computer attached

to it to program the algorithm and collect the mea-

surements.

Secondly, it was the time of type II supercon-

ductors with high enough critical magnetic fields

to obtain magnetic fields of 4  T or higher (at PMR

frequencies of 200  MHz and higher). Thirdly, vacu-

um tubes were becoming history, superconductors

gradually taking their place in electronic instrumen-

tation. Soviet instrumentation industry switched over

to superconducting components eventually, although

it took time. There were fruitful, yet cautious, en-

deavors to build original superconducting solenoids

(dubbed “supercons” by Soviet instrumentation de-

signers). The process of integrating computers and

the Fourier transform method into MR instrumenta-

tion was, however, stalling. Mainframe computer sys-

tems developed in the USSR were quite good until

theES

series, a Soviet analogue of IBM’s System/360,

that was basically strongly ‘advised’ to be used since

the early 1970s. Regardless, the mainframes were too

big, both in size and in power consumption, to be

used in NMR spectrometers. Personal computers, on

the other hand, would have been up to the task, but

for some reason they were all but prohibited in the

Soviet Union.

While the world’s scientific community was pre-

paring for the breakthrough in the magnetic reso-

nance instrumentation industry, the USSR found itself

not ready for this. Nonetheless, the explosive devel-

opment, of which the Soviet Union was hardly a part

of, proved to be of some use for its NMR instrumen-

tation conundrum, although indirectly.

In 1967, Endel Lippmaa became firmly estab-

lished as one the leading designers of NMR instrumen-

tation in the USSR and beyond. On May13, 1967, the

USSR Academy of Sciences, Division of General and

Industrial Chemistry, held a meeting on NMR spec-

troscopy at its Institute of Organic Chemistry. Among

the speakers there were E.  I.  Fedin, Y.  Y.  Samitov,

V.  F.  Bystrov, and E.  Lippmaa, papers by the latter

two standing out. The discussion led to a definitive

resolution – there was a growing need for foreign

instruments to be purchased. By this time, foreign

companies such as Varian Associates and emerging

Bruker-Physik AG, coincidentally, had grown ready to

bypass the US embargo on electronic instrumentation

exports to the USSR that proved detrimental to busi-

ness (previously, only Finland and Japan had taken

the risk of ignoring the embargo).

In the summer of 1967, Varian Associates show-

cased its instruments in Moscow. Right from the

trade show the long-awaited 60  MHz and 100  MHz

PMR spectrometers equipped with add-ons for other

nuclei (fluorine, phosphorus), NMR stabilizer, and a

magnetic field inhomogeneity correction (shim) sys-

tem were shipped to the Academy’s institutions. Only

they missed  (!) computer add-ons and the Fourier

transform. Basically, Varian get rid of the outdated

instrumentation. Bruker-Physik AG chose to pursue a

different strategy. Right from the beginning, Bruker

offered Fourier transform spectrometers to its cus-

tomers in the USSR, operating at 90MHz instead of

100MHz but suitable for

CNMR spectroscopy. This,

however, would be a later development that would

take place in a year or two after the Varian’s trade

show. When it did, Varian Associates had to defy the

US embargo with regard to Fourier transform spec-

trometers as well, including the

C NMR instruments.

In the period of 1967-1969, the Soviet magnetic

resonance community finally consolidated. In Septem-

ber 1967, the All-Union Symposium on Nuclear Mag-

netic Resonance was held in Tallinn, Estonian SSR.

At the time, Lippmaa’s laboratory was the only one

in the Soviet Union equipped to collect

C spectral

data that, according to Lippmaa himself, “was im-

possible to be collected even by means of the fine

instruments purchased by the institutes in Moscow

and Novosibirsk.”

In 1968, in Sevastopol, Ukrainian SSR, the First

All-Union Workshop on Magnetic Resonance – a proj-

ect of G.  V.  Skrotsky, leader of the Urals school – was

held under the aegis of Ukrainian experts. On a side

note, the Workshop was warmly welcomed by the

Black Sea Fleet Command. In the years to come a to-

tal of 11 Workshops would be held all across Russia–

from Chernogolovka (1975) near Moscow to Kungur

(1991) in the Urals. The most memorable were the

“floating” Workshops that used a motor ship as a

venue and traveled from Krasnoyarsk to Dudindka

(Siberia) in 1975 and from Perm to Volgograd (east

In Cyrillic, ЕС.

FIRST DECADES IN THE SOVIET UNION S467

BIOCHEMISTRY (Moscow) Vol. 90 Suppl. 2 2025

of European Russia) in 1979. The Workshops covered

nearly all of magnetic resonance phenomena.

It would only be fitting to conclude this mono-

graph with the events of the year 1969, central to

both the USSR and the world in the context of mag-

netic resonance.

In that year, the Journal of Magnetic Resonance

and the Organic Magnetic Resonance (later, Magnetic

Resonance in Chemistry)– world’s leading journals in

the field of magnetic resonance – were established.

In the editorial board of the latter the USSR was

represented by E.  Lippmaa who, on a side note, in

the same year earned his doctoral degree in physics

and mathematics at the Institute of Chemical Physics,

USSR Academy of Sciences.

Finally, in 1969, the International Conference was

held in Kazan to mark the 25-year anniversary of

E.  K.  Zavoisky’s discovery of EPR. Despite all the faults

and pitfalls, magnetic resonance and related phenom-

ena research continued to develop in the USSR, al-

though, leading positions in the world were hardly the

case. There were rare exceptions though. Physicists

of the Novosibirsk school (Y.  N.  Molin, K.  M.  Salikhov,

R.  Z.  Sagdeev, etal.) made breakthrough developments

in the studies of chemically induced nuclear spin po-

larization in radical combination reactions, while their

colleagues at the University of Kazan (S.  A.  Altshuler,

M.  A.  Teplov et al.) delivered groundbreaking results

in exploring Van Vleck paramagnetism.

Supplementary information

The online version contains supplementary material

available at https://doi.org/10.1134/S0006297925604502.

Acknowledgments

We are grateful to Sergei P. Dolin, Marianna V. Vo-

evodskaya, Elena O. Vetrova, Vladimir N. Linev, Yurii

I. Talanov, Gertz I. Likhtenshtein, Anatoly F. Vanin,

Mikhail. A. Ostrovsky, Irina Yu. Pavlovskaya, Yu. N. Mo-

lin, Ilya P. Amiton, and Galina V. Lagodzinskaya for

their kind permission to reproduce the photographs.

Funding

This work was carried out within the framework of

the State Assignment for the Lomonosov Moscow State

University and State Assignment for the Emanuel In-

stitute of Biochemical Physics, Russian Academy of

Sciences (no.001201253314).

Ethics approval and consent to participate

This work does not contain any studies involving hu-

man and animal subjects.

Conflict of interest

The authors of this work declare that they have no

conflicts of interest.

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